Monday, 12 November 2012
Sense and nonsense
The FSI's accounts for the year ending March 2012 have not yet been received by the Charity Commission, but since 2008 it has received a total of £1,686,933, much of it from A4e, and spent a total of £1,691,561.
The government has come up with a "new" way of dealing with NEETs - those youngsters not in employment, education or training. The Telegraph calls it an "earn or learn" plan, while the Express, in typical style, headlines it "Go to work or lose benefits". It could involve "the creation of new-style 'traineeships' set up to prepare school leavers for jobs in relatively low-skilled industries." Does anyone smell a new contract here? Perhaps we should recall Labour's original New Deal scheme, back in the late 1990s, set up to training or work placements for NEETs. That expanded into the full New Deal which was outsourced by David Blunkett in 2006.
Thursday, 18 October 2012
"Whipping girl of the welfare apologists"
Perhaps this is another attempt at rehabilitating Harrison's reputation.
Tuesday, 24 April 2012
From bad to worse
Wednesday, 4 April 2012
And yet more contracts
There's an interesting piece on the Morning Star website (scroll down) headed "A4E isn't always terrible. Sometimes it is just mediocre." A4e was hired to train 30,000 childminders in 2004, and the writer has got hold of an evaluation of the contract carried out by consultants PriceWaterhouseCoopers. It's not good. In fact, it's pretty grim.
Most of the newspapers have reported the story we took from Exaro yesterday about A4e being the preferred bidder for another contract, to run the Equalities and Human Rights Commission's helpline. The Daily Mail takes the opportunity to re-run its previous graphics on A4e, but also quotes Margaret Hodge as saying: "This belies common sense. There are so many question marks about this company’s competence and integrity that I can’t believe any government department is thinking of signing another contract with them. The Home Office should hold off from making any decision until the investigations have been completed."
PS. I read the latest Private Eye after posting the first paragraph above. They have the story; but they also show that A4e used the FSI to help win the Work Programme contracts - the "bid candy" which the charities claim they became for the prime providers. The Eye has also set its sights on another prime, Working Links, recalling a leaked "compliance visit" report last year which showed that Working Links in Liverpool had made 85 claims for outcomes which it was not entitled to.
Tuesday, 27 July 2010
In the News
Tuesday, 14 July 2009
History of the company
The breakthrough came with the Labour government's New Deal programme. A4e rapidly became the "preferred bidder" for contracts to provide back-to-work training. Their success baffled their competitors, who knew they were putting in equally good bids. This led to rumours that it was Emma's connections who were responsible. Someone high up in government, perhaps? A Sheffield MP name of Blunkett, maybe? But there was no evidence for this, and rival training companies went out of business as A4e prospered.
Business Link - questions in the House In 2001 the Business Link organisations, which had been formed locally, were put out to tender by the government. A4e bid for all of them. In their determination to get the contracts they were prepared to stretch the truth. In Somerset they had stated that local leaders, including the leader of the Council, supported the bid. That was news to the gentlemen in question, and the bid had to be withdrawn. In Humberside it was felt that something similar was happening, but government ministers seemed intent on awarding the contract to A4e. The company scooped up the majority of these contracts nationwide. They lost many of them in 2007.
EI EXCLUSIVE: Britain's double game In 2005 suspicions were heightened when A4e was able to work in Israel, in contravention of British government policy but apparently with British Embassy assistance. The contract also marked the beginning of A4e's expansion into the international market. They have been able to boast of their success in Britain in "reforming" public services, and by 2008 were being described as a £120m global organisation. In Israel, business appears to be going well. See an article in the Jerusalem Post, where A4e's genius for propaganda is well demonstrated. The company is now known as Amin in israel.
A4e operates in a growing number of countries, trading on their claim to be "the UK’s largest private provider of public services in the labour market and social integration sectors, including the welfare to work programme ‘New Deal Prime Contractor'". They are established in France, Germany and Australia. We also learn from a Polish journal that it "currently manages two projects in Poland, in Szczecin and in Zabrze, supporting 550 people back into work by the end of 2008". Another developing market is India, where A4e have a foot in the door. Turkey looks set to be the next opportunity, and they are trying to establish themselves in South Africa.
A4e's philosophy is now simple: bid for everything. Currently they employ over 60 professional bid-writers. The drive to diversify in the last few years has been partly the result of a drop in profits. In 2002 -03 A4e was worth £50 million on the basis of profits of £4m and sales of £60m. In 2004 - 05 the figures were £3.9m in profit on £75.7m sales. Note that these "sales" are the money spent on meeting the contracts; profit is what they manage to keep. Profits declined sharply in 2007, as a number of contracts were not renewed. Undaunted, Emma said that she was "proud that the company has sustained pure organic growth at a phenomenal rate" and forecast an increase in profits to a £500 million turnover by 2014.
A4e has set up the Foundation for Social Improvement, which apparently aims to encourage the "third sector", especially smaller charities, to depend on them for training and access to government. They are "proud to be working in conjunction with Communities and Local Government (CLG) to deliver Connecting Communities Plus scheme". The FSI is a "social enterprise", an organisation which blurs the line between the voluntary sector and for-profit businesses. It's another example of the company's ability to infiltrate all aspects of the government's dealings with the most disadvantaged.